“临川四梦”说的来由与《牡丹亭》的深层意蕴

摘要/Abstract

摘要： “临川四梦”说并不符合汤显祖四部传奇的实际，《紫钗记》不能以“梦”来概括。“四梦”说是汤显祖本人受到车任远的四个杂剧（合称“四梦”）以及《金瓶梅词话》中的俗曲“四梦八空”的启发而提出的，明末附和者寥寥，清康熙时才遍布天下。车任远的“四梦”和《金瓶梅》的“四梦八空”都带有浓厚的虚幻和色空色彩。汤显祖的后期传奇亦如此，其中《牡丹亭》的内涵比较隐蔽。作品弘扬的是人的自然本能和宣泄本能的自由，而主要不是歌颂爱情；同时，梦境和现实的巨大落差，杜丽娘“鬼可虚情，人须实礼”的话语和行为，不仅是对现实的否定，还开启了作者禅悟的初心。这一写法对后来的《长生殿》和《红楼梦》产生了明显影响。

关键词: 四梦, 三梦, 二梦, 牡丹亭, 自然本能, 虚空

Abstract: The title "the Four Dream of Linchuan" is not in accordance with the facts of the four Chuanqi plays written by Tang Xianzu, for "The Purple Hairpin", one of the "four dreams" has little to do with "dream" of any kind. Inspired by "the Four Dreams" written by Che Renyuan and the folk song "4 dreams 8 voids" in The Plum in the Golden Vase, Tang Xianzu himself began to use the title of "the Four Dreams of Linchuan". The title was rarely recognized till the late Ming Dynasty, but it became popular during the reign of Emperor Kangxi of the Qing Dynasty. Both "the Four Dreams" by Che Renyuan and "4 dreams 8 voids" in The Plum in the Golden Vase strongly show the void of the world of senses on the philosophical level, as is manifested in the Chuanqi works of Tang Xianzu in his old age as well. However, the similar thoughts and feelings do not appear clearly in the play The Peony Pavilion, the primary aim which is not to eulogize love, but to praise the natural instinct of human beings and the freedom to give vent to them. In this play, the gap between the dreams and the realities, the words "The ghosts can express their affections directly, but human beings have to follow social etiquettes" Du Liniang said show the author's discontent with the reality and the start of his meditative mind. Tang's writing influenced later works such as The Palace of Eternal Life and A Dream of Red Mansions in a detestable way.

Key words: 4 dreams, 3 dreams, 2 dreams, Peony Pavilion, instinct, void

康保成, 陈燕芳. “临川四梦”说的来由与《牡丹亭》的深层意蕴[J]. 文艺理论研究, 2017, 37(3): 53-65.

Kang Baocheng, Chen Yanfang. The Origin of the Title "the Four Dreams of Linchuan" and the Deep Significance of The Peony Pavilion[J]. Theoretical Studies in Literature and Art, 2017, 37(3): 53-65.

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(1)龚重谟《汤显祖年谱新编》称汤开先生于万历二十二年(1594年),见龚重谟《汤显祖大传》(上海:上海人民出版社,2015年),第363页。
(2)童范俨修、陈庆龄纂同治《临川县志》卷十:“玉茗堂,汤若士故居,在县学后。中有揽秀楼、毓霭池、金柅阁诸景。”
(3)以下引《紫钗记》不另出注。
(4)以下引《牡丹亭》不另出注。
(5)以下引《南柯记》不另出注。
(6)以下引《南柯记》不另出注。
(7)这两种传奇的早期刊本,无论是明万历刻本,天启刻本,都不叫《南柯记》《邯郸记》,而是题为《南柯梦记》《邯郸梦记》。
(8)如臧懋循《元曲选序》(1615年):“汤义仍《紫钗》四记”;《玉茗堂传奇引》(1618年):“临川汤义仍为《牡丹亭》四记”;冯梦龙《古今谭概》(1620年):“张洪阳相公见玉茗堂四记,谓汤义仍曰[……]”。分别引自《汤显祖集全编》六“附录”(上海:上海古籍出版社,2015年),第3147、3148、3152页。
(9)徐复祚《花当阁丛谈》:“玉茗堂四传,临川汤若士显祖先生作也。”引自毛效同编《汤显祖研究资料汇编》下(上海:上海古籍出版社,1986年),第659页。此书记载最晚的事项为天启三年,故其成书时间当在1625年前后。
(10)王骥德《曲律》卷四:“临川汤奉常[……]所作五传”(165)。
(11)叶绍袁《叶天寥年谱·别记》:“沈君张家有女乐七、八人,俱十四五女子,演杂剧及玉茗堂诸本,声容双美。”转引自邓长风《明清戏曲家考略》(上海:上海古籍出版社,1994年),第320页。按此事发生在崇祯庚辰年(1640年)。
(12)张琦《衡曲麈谈》(163年):“临川学士,旗鼓词坛。今玉茗堂诸曲,争脍人口”(《汤显祖集全编》六3153)。
(13)余怀《板桥杂记》卷下:“香年十三,亦侠而慧,从吴人周如松受歌‘玉茗堂四梦’,皆能妙其音节。”李金堂校注(上海:上海古籍出版社,2009年),第69页。
(14)凌濛初《南音三籁》戏曲下眉批:“近日汤海若作‘四梦’,曲末类作一尾,盖先生不甚谙律,亦不足论。”引自魏同贤、安平秋主編《凌濛初全集》四(南京:凤凰出版社,2010年),第251页。叶德均先生考证:“《三籁》成书的年代,最早不能在万历四十五年以前,至迟也不会到天启七年,是万历四十五年至天启六年的十年间的产物。”见叶德均《戏曲小说丛考》(北京:中华书局,2004年),第398页。
(15)今知崇祯间提到汤显祖“四梦”的,尚有倪元璐(1593年-1644年)的《孟子若〈桃花〉剧序》和陆云龙的《汤若士先生小品弁首》,不赘引。
(16)焦循《剧说》卷六引《蛾术堂闲笔》:“杭有女伶商小玲者,以色艺称,于《还魂记》尤擅场。尝有所属意,而势不得通,遂郁郁成疾。每作杜丽娘《寻梦》《闹殇》诸剧,真若身其事者,缠绵凄婉,泪痕盈目。一日演《寻梦》,唱至‘待打倂香魂一片,阴雨梅天,守得个梅根相见’,盈盈界面,随声倚地。春香上视之,已气绝矣。”见《中国古典戏曲论著集成》八(北京:中国戏剧出版社,1959年),第197页。
(17)杨恩寿《词余丛话》引《感应篇》:“有入冥者,见汤若士身荷铁枷,人间演《牡丹亭》一日,则笞二十。”徐树丕《活埋庵识小录》:“闻若士死时,手足尽堕,非以绮语受恶报,则嘲谑仙真,亦应得此报也。”二则均引自徐扶明编著《牡丹亭研究资料考释》(上海:上海古籍出版社,1987年),第222页。
(18)这是王骥德《曲律》转述汤显祖的话,见第165页。
(19)汤显祖《答凌初成》:“不佞《牡丹亭记》大受吕玉绳改窜,云便吴歌。不佞哑然笑曰:“昔有人嫌摩诘之冬景芭蕉,割蕉加梅,冬则冬矣,然非王摩诘冬景也。”见《汤显祖集全编》四(上海:上海古籍出版社,2015年),第1914页。

[1]	李亦辉 . 论明代万历时期“雅俗并陈”的传奇曲辞观 [J]. 文艺理论研究, 2018, 38(3): 141-150.
[2]	丁盛. 论白先勇的“昆曲新美学” [J]. 文艺理论研究, 2017, 37(3): 37-43.

“临川四梦”说的来由与《牡丹亭》的深层意蕴

The Origin of the Title "the Four Dreams of Linchuan" and the Deep Significance of The Peony Pavilion

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